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A new introduction to contemporary nationhood that sets it apart from national identity, nationalism and diversityDrawing on extensive research in transnationalism and ethnic conflict around the world, Raymond Taras introduces the concepts of nation and nationalism as they now stand in light of major demographic changes brought about by global migration. The result is a framework for understanding the emergence of postmodern nationhood in the era of globalisation and beyond.Based on rich case studies of immigration worldwide, Taras shows that nationhood occurs when the receiving state negotiates ethnic differences to form a natural bond with immigrants, rather than insisting on blind loyalty to the majority culture. The goal is a broad, value-added society of diverse peoples and successful prevention of criminality, ghettoisation, extremism and even radicalisation through reasonable immigrant integration.Key FeaturesIntroduces the schools, tools and concepts needed to understand nationalismCovers both classic foundational theories and more recent theories of nationalism and national identityIncludes chapter-length case studies of 6 countries: America, Russia, India, Britain, South Africa and PeruEngages both theoretically and empirically with the study of nationalism todayShows the impact of immigration and globalisation on nationalism and national identity
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"A concise, accessible analysis of a complex field, this book is essential reading for anyone wanting to equip themselves with a theoretical understanding of why we live in nations, and why we invest them with such significance."--Jacket.
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Although small and not particularly peoples both Chechens and Palestinians became famous for suicide bomber attacks in recent years. This can - partly - be explained by the unrecognised collective traumas of the past.Both Chechens and Palestinians experienced collective traumas in the 1940ties. The entire Chechen population wad deported by Josef Stalin to Kasakhstan, Kirgysia and Sibiria in February 1944 under the pretext of collaboration with the Third Reich. Those who survived were allowed to return in 1957 to Chechenya. Half of the Palestinian Arab population was expelled from Palestine in 1947/48, when fighting erupted between Jews and Arabs. The refugees were never allowed to return. The memory of the deportation/expulsion was kept alive. The founding traumas contributed to the development of Chechen and Palestinian nationalism. Chechens and Palestinians till today suffer from their collective traumas, which stayed unrecognised and therefore create psychological and political problems for the following generations - and for their adverseries. The phenomenon of the "closed circle of violence" created a phobic collective behaviour, which led for example Chechens to the illusionary declaration of independence in 1991. It also led to the individual overreaction of young Chechens or Palestinians, who became living bombs. The collective Trauma, if untreated, poses a threat to any peaceful political solution. 1. EinleitungAusgehend von der Fragestellung, warum gerade bei Tschetschenen und Palästinensern der Selbstmordterrorismus in den letzten Jahren so populär geworden ist, analysiert die Autorin die Geschichte dieser beiden Völker. Einer der Gründe ist bisher wenig beachtet worden. Der Einfluss eines kollektiven Traumas, das als solches nicht anerkannt, behandelt und auch nicht einer politischen Lösung zugeführt wurde. 2. Geschichte der Palästinenser und TschetschenenIm Zuge der Errichtung Israels im Unabhängigkeitskrieg 1948 verlor die Hälfte des palästinensischen Volkes - 750.000 Menschen - ihre Heimat. Unter der Führung von Jassir Arafat kämpften sie in den Jahrzehnten danach - mit Gewalt und am Verhandlungstisch - um einen eigenen Staat. Das Recht auf Rückkehr spielte dabei immer eine besondere Rolle. Die "Nakbah", die als Katastrophe empfundene Vertreibung 1948, wurde dabei Bezugs- und Angelpunkt mehrer Generationen von Flüchtlingen. Die Weigerung Israels, die Mitverantwortung für die Vertreibung der Palästinenser zu übernehmen und das kollektive Trauma der Palästinenser anzuerkennen - aus Angst vor einer Infragestellung des eigenen Staates - ist einer der Gründe, warum der Nahostkonflikt bisher nicht gelöst werden konnte. Auch die Tschetschenen durften jahrzehntelang über die Deportation ihres Volkes nicht einmal sprechen. Hatte Josef Stallin sie erst unter dem Vorwand der Kollaboration mit Nazi-Deutschland deportiert, waren sie zwar nach seinem Tod in die Heimat zurückgekehrt, lebten dort aber jahrzehntelang weiterhin als "unzuverlässiges Volk". Das kollektive Trauma der Deportation konnte nur mündlich überliefert werden. Mit dem Zusammenbruch der Sowjetunion brach der ungelöste Konflikt zwischen Tschetschenien und Russland sofort auf, das Land ging in blutigen Kriegen unter. 3. ZusammenfassungDie kollektive Erinnerung ist in den vergangenen Jahrzehnten zu einem zentralen Forschungsthema geworden. Der vorsichtige Einsatz von in der Individualpsychologie gewonnenen Erkenntnissen in der Behandlung von kollektiven Traumata, um zu einer politischen Lösung zu kommen, ist eine Chance.Das Studium historischer Fakten in Kombination mit den Erkenntnissen der Psychologie und Psychiatrie bietet die Basis für eine politische Lösung. Die vorliegende Arbeit zeigt, dass kollektive Traumata, die nicht behandelt werden, immer wieder, auch Generationen später, zu kollektiven Reaktionen führen können, die auf den ersten Blick irrational erscheinen. Die vielleicht radikalste Form des politischen Widerstandes, das Selbstmordattentat, ist dafür ein Beispiel.
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The first comprehensive history of German youth in the First World War, this book investigates the dawn of the great era of mobilizing teenagers and schoolchildren for experiments in state building and extreme political movements like fascism and communism. It investigates how German teachers could be legendary for their sarcasm and harsh methods but support the world’s most vigorous school reform movement and most extensive network of youth clubs. As a result of the war mobilization, teachers, club leaders, and authors of youth literature instilled militarism and nationalism more deeply into young people than before 1914 but in a way that paradoxically relaxed discipline. The book details how Germany had far more military youth companies than other nations as well as the world’s largest Socialist youth organization, which illegally agitated for peace and a proletarian revolution. Mass conscription also empowered female youth, particularly in Germany’s middle-class youth movement, the only one anywhere that fundamentally pitted itself against adults. The book addresses discourses as well as practices and covers a breadth of topics, including crime, work, sexuality, gender, family, politics, recreation, novels and magazines, social class, and everyday life.
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Central Europe and the Non-European World in the Long 19th Century explores various ways in which inhabitants of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy perceived and depicted the outside world during the era of European imperialism. Focusing particularly on the Czech Lands, Hungary, and Slovakia, with other nations as comparative examples, this collection shows how Central Europeans viewed other regions and their populations, from the Balkans and the Middle East to Africa, China, and America. Although the societies under Habsburg rule found themselves (with rare exceptions) outside the realm of colonialism, their inhabitants also engaged in colonial projects and benefited from these interactions. Rather than taking one "Central European" approach, the volume draws upon accounts not only by writers and travelers, but by painters, missionaries, and other observers, reflecting the diversity that characterized both the region itself and its views of non-Western cultures.
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"Since Trump's victory and the UK's Brexit vote, much of the commentary on the populist epidemic has focused on the emergence of populism. But, Lawrence Rosenthal argues, what is happening globally is not the emergence but the transformation of right-wing populism. Rosenthal, the founder of UC Berkeley's Center for Right-Wing Studies, suggests right-wing populism is a protean force whose prime mover is the resentment felt toward perceived elites, and whose abiding feature is its ideological flexibility, which now takes the form of xenophobic nationalism. In 2016, American right-wing populists migrated from the free marketeering Tea Party to Donald Trump's "hard hat," anti-immigrant, America-First nationalism. This was the most important single factor in Trump's electoral victory. In Italy, for example, the Northern League reinvented itself in 2018 as an all-Italy party, switching its fury from southerners to immigrants, and came to power. Rosenthal paints a vivid sociological, political, and psychological picture of the transnational quality of this movement, which is now in power in at least a dozen countries, creating a de facto Nationalist International. The future of democratic politics in the United States and abroad depends on whether right-wing populists stay with this nationalist ideology and whether the liberal and left parties have the political capacity to effect a progressive populism of their own"--
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This volume analyses the societal legacy of Lutheranism in Finland in broad terms. It contributes to the recent renewed interest in the history of religion in Finland and the Nordic countries by bringing together researchers in history, political science, economics, social psychology, education, linguistics, media studies, and theology to examine the mutual relationship between Lutheranism and society in Finland. The two main foci are (i) the historical effects of the Reformation and its aftermath on societal structures and on national identity, values, linguistic culture, education, and the economy, and (ii) the adaptation of the church - and its theology - to changes in the geo-political and sociocultural context. Important sub-themes include nationalism and religion, the secularization and institutionalization of traditional values, multiple Protestant ethics, and long continuities in history. Overall the book argues that large changes in societies cannot be explained via 'secular' factors alone, such as economic development or urbanization, but that factors pertaining to religion provide substantial explanatory power for understanding societal change and the resulting societal structures.
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